COGNITIVE SEMANTICS: ARGUMENT IS WAR
For the scientist, truth is objective and
absolute. The standard theory of truth is the "Correspondence
Theory": a statement has an objective meaning, specifying the conditions
under which it is true. Truth consists of a direct correspondence between a
statement and some state of affairs in the world.
A theory of truth entails a theory of
Meaning. Linguistics, a social science, seeks to apply the theoretical and
methodological principles used by the natural sciences (with physics as the
model). These also called empirical sciences depend on the formal sciences
(mathematics and logic), which contribute to build the theory of truth already
mentioned.
According to different theories of meaning,
the objective meaning of a sentence is described as the conditions under which
this is true or false. Semantics is the study of how linguistic expressions can
fit the world directly, without the intervention of human understanding.
Meanings are assigned to words without referring to particular contexts of use.
The world is made up of building blocks, i.e., definable objects and clearly
delineated inherent properties and relations.
The problem of meaning is directly related
to the bi-directional influence between subject and object. Konrad Lorenz, the famous naturalist, considers this a crucial matter; he states that in order
to avoid subjective criteria (prejudice and emotions) and to achieve
universally valid judgments and evaluations we need to penetrate into the
cognitive processes of the perceiving subject.
"The process of cognition and the properties
of the object of knowledge will only be able to be investigated when they are
undertaken simultaneously. The object of knowledge and the instrument of
knowledge cannot legitimately be separated, but must be taken together as a
whole".
Terms like 'metaphor' came to traditional grammar from the long-lasting discussion held by Classical Greek scholars on the subject of the origin of the rules which govern language. For some of them, language was a matter of convention, a tacit agreement among members of a community, reinforced through custom and tradition. For others, language has its origins, as Lyons puts it, "in eternal and immutable principles outside man himself," principles which are therefore inviolable. The relevant issue in this discussion is that of the nature of the meaning-form relation of words. For the naturalist school, the relation between a word and its meaning is a 'natural' one, in the sense that a word either resembles its referent (onomatopoeia) or is suggestive or imitative of some qualities or activities of things (sound-symbolism). There are however many more cases of words whose natural meaning is extended through a series of processes such as addition, deletion, substitution, and transposition of sounds, on the one hand, and metaphor, on the other. For the Greeks, metaphor was based on the discernible connection observed between the shape or function of the primary and secondary referents. In this way, naturalists explained "metaphorical extensions" such as the mouth of a river or the leg of a table. These early attempts on a theory of language meaning proved to be very useful for the developments of etymological studies. But, as Palmer remarks,
"It may seem obvious that foot is appropriate to mountains, or eye to needles, but a glance at other
languages shows that it is not. In French the needle does not have an 'eye',
and in many languages (e. g. the Ethiopian languages or some of those of North
America) the mountain does not have a 'foot'. Moreover, in English eye is used with a variety of other
meanings, e. g. the centre of a hurricane or a spring of water, which are not
so obviously related semantically to the organ of sight, yet it is not used for
the centre of a flower or an indentation, though these might seem intuitively
to be reasonable candidates for the extension of the meaning".
Linguistic tradition has recognized, to a
great extent, if not totally, the literary authority over the subject.
Therefore, it is of no surprise that for most linguists the concept of metaphor
differs only slightly from that of the literary tradition. It is generally
described as an exceptional event among the rest of linguistic phenomena, as a
kind of marginal meaning (Bloomfield). The first approach to metaphor linguists seemed to have had was
that it is a case of semantic violation, a deviation from the 'normal', 'logical'
meanings of utterances, what Leech describes as "the process whereby
literal absurdity leads the mind to comprehension on a figurative plane". The distinction made was, in general, between a literal meaning and
a metaphorical one. The metaphorical meaning was achieved through processes of
non-logical meaning production accounted for in terms of ambiguity, paradox,
contradiction, etc. The production and understanding of metaphors in these
terms depend on the creative aspect of language, which differs from Chomsky's
competence in that it refers to voluntary, conscious creativeness, i.e.,
the one required in poetical works. Traditional and structuralist linguistic
trends have, at best, developed a way to make apparent the kind of 'anomaly'
present in metaphors, whatever this anomaly might be.
Other authors consider metaphor a process
more useful for historical linguistics. To illustrate this approach, let us
take Robins' definition of metaphor, who conceives of it as a means whereby
the meaning of a word changes through time.
"A very extensive type of
semantic widening consists in metaphorical uses, wherein on the basis of some
similarity of the meanings a word is used in different sorts of contexts and in
reference to different sorts of features, usually of a more abstract nature,
than once was the case. Metaphorical extension of meaning... is too well known
to require exemplification".
Similar examples of the little attention
paid to metaphor is seen in language comprehensive works, like those of Quirk
et al. and Palmer, who simply relate it to figurative,
non-literal, and transferred meaning. Greimas groups images, symbols,
and metaphorical definitions as 'figures' without a practical function in logical
language, and therefore only interesting to literary studies. Figurative
meanings replace literal meanings as 'bricolage' only to serve to 'something
else', which is the poetic communication itself.
An early understanding of metaphor as a
crucial aspect of language function and thought can be found in Ogden and
Richards' Symbolism, i.e., the study of the influence of language upon thought.
They state that language meaning operates within a universe of discourse,
"a collection of occasions on which we communicate by means of
symbols."
"When we say... "The sun
is trying to come out," or "The mountain rises," we may clearly
be making no different references than if we were to give a scientific
description of the situation, but we may
mean these assertions to be taken 'literally'... interpreting our symbols... as
names used with a reference fixed by a given universe of discourse".
When we do not have a symbol at hand we can choose one
whose referent is analogous to our referent and transfer this symbol. Then if
the speaker fails to see that such symbol is metaphorical, i.e., if he takes it
literally, "falsity arises, namely the correct symbolization of a false
reference by which the interpreter could be misled".
Furthermore, whenever a term is taken outside the universe of discourse for
which it has been defined, it "becomes a metaphor, and may be in need of
fresh definition".
"...reference... cannot be
formed simply and directly by one grouping of experience, but it is the result
of varied groupings of experiences whose very difference enables their common
elements to survive in isolation. This process of selection and elimination is
always at work in the acquisition of a vocabulary and the development of
thought. It is rare for words to be formed into contexts with non-symbolic
experience directly, for as a rule they are learnt only through other words. We
early begin to use language in order to learn language, but since it is no mere
matter of the acquisition of synonyms or alternative locutions, the same
stressing of similarities between references and elimination of their
differences through conflict is required. By these means we develop references
of greater and greater abstractness, and metaphor, the primitive symbolization
of abstraction, becomes possible. Metaphor, in the most general sense, is the
use of one reference to a group of things between which a given relation holds,
for the purpose of facilitating the discrimination of an analogous relation in
another group".
The use of metaphor, according to these authors,
involves the same kind of contexts as abstract thought; the important point is
that the members of "a group of things" will only possess the
relevant feature in common, and that irrelevant or accidental features will
cancel one another.
"The metaphorical aspects of
the greater part of language, and the ease with which any word may be used
metaphorically, further indicate the degree to which... words have gained
contexts through other words".
Here what matters is the reference process
itself and its discursive purpose; the structure is irrelevant. As can be seen,
as far back as 1923, Ogden and Richards stressed the basic relationship among
thought, language, and metaphor; an approach that has only recently been taken
into account.
Within generative semantics, there is a
large amount of different approaches to metaphor in relation to a
semantically-based linguistic analysis of anomalous sentences and their
contribution to the elucidation of semantic selectional features (Galmiche). An extreme example of this wide range of conceptions is that of
Thorne: he tries to explain the existence of 'ungrammatical', 'deviant'
sentences in poetry by postulating the poet's creation of "a new language
(or dialect)" in which the semantic selectional restrictions are different
from those in the normal language. However, he never takes the concept of
metaphor, nor even that of connotative meaning, into account.
Lakoff proposes a theory which
analyses sentences in terms of their logical structure, surface structure, context, and conveyed meanings. According to
this author, the "literal meaning" of a sentence is a function of its
logical structure and its derivation into surface structure. The conveyed
meaning of a sentence is explained in terms of the relevant aspects of context.
Consequently, two different lines of investigation can be adopted in semantics, one dealing with language
structure and the other, with language use, that is, with Pragmatics.
Nevertheless,
"Most grammars have been
concerned exclusively with literal meaning, and this kind of analysis is
necessary before a meaningful study of pragmatics can begin. ... in comparing a
system like generative semantics to that of case grammar, it is the analysis of
literal meanings that must be compared, not the conveyed meanings...pragmatics
left aside". (Cook)
A sociolinguist approach to metaphor is
that of Grice, who suggests a general CO-OPERATIVE PRINCIPLE
between speaker and hearer, including the 'maxim' of quality: "Try to make your contribution one that is
true." Grice points out that this maxim "...is flouted by irony and
metaphor (You're the cream in my coffee)
-and the hearer has to work out what it is that the speaker is trying to
convey."
A pragmatic approach to metaphor is that of
Searle, who postulates that the phenomenon of
metaphor is related to the difference between sentence/ utterance meaning and speaker's meaning. In a
metaphorical expression, both the literal (sentence) and the metaphorical
(speaker's) meanings are present, the former being the explicit message and the
latter what the hearer must comprehend through searching something the speaker
utters that is not expressed when the sentence is interpreted literally. What
is uttered is an attribution of some features of the second term to the first
one, and both components of metaphors are related so that both must be taken
into account if utterance meaning is to be determined. 'X' restricts the range
of meaning that can be recognized in the metaphorical sentence and in the
speaker's utterance. The hearer or reader understands the metaphor's utterance
meaning (which makes sense of the original sentence, or the metaphor) attending
to these restrictions. In Searle's own terms, "the combination of S and P
(subject terms and predicate terms of a metaphorical sentence) creates new R's
(the predicate of the utterance meaning). We have a specific set of associations with the 'P'
terms, but different 'S' terms restrict the values of R differently". To illustrate this, he uses two metaphors:
Kant's second argument for the trascendental deduction
is so much mud/gravel/sand paper.
Sam's voice is gravel.
Both metaphorical meanings are different
because of the difference between Kant's
argument and Sam's voice. The
predicate gravel has different
meanings in each sentence. We subscribe Searle's conception in the following
respect: there is a selection of some features from all the possible features
lying in the connotative depth. But the idea that the selection is based on the
type of subject that fills X position seems to be rather structural. The
meaning to be conveyed by the speaker depends on what the speaker himself wants
to convey, together with the context in which the metaphorical utterance is
performed. The hearer must therefore make use of a complex set of clues to
decode the underlying meaning, including the specification of the subject
defined (X), knowledge of the world shared by both participants, the personal
information the hearer has about the speaker, the immediate context of situation, seriousness on the
part of the speaker (who may be being ironical, e.g., saying Lucy is an angel when both participants
know that she is not good or compassionate at all; in this sense, seriousness
can be included in the shared knowledge or even in the immediate context, so
that there seems to be considerable overlapping), and many others. Searle says
that in cases like Sally is a block of
ice we just perceive a connection which is the basis of the interpretation;
these connections, according to Lakoff, coincide with the system of
Conceptual Metaphors, a central part of synchronic linguistics. Nevertheless,
in his account for literal meaning, Searle subscribes "the usual false
assumptions that accompany that term." Everyday, conventional
language is literal and not metaphorical in its nature, therefore metaphor is
in the domain of principles of language use.
"...we can see why most philosophers of
language have the range of views on metaphor that they have: They accept the
traditional literal-figurative distinction. They... say that there is no
metaphorical meaning, and most metaphorical utterances are either trivially
true or trivially false. Or... they will assume that metaphor is in the realm
of pragmatics, that is, that a metaphorical meaning is no more than the literal
meaning of some other sentence which can be arrived at by some pragmatic
principle. This is required, since the only real meaning for them is literal
meaning, and pragmatic principles are those principles that allow one to say
one thing (with a literal meaning) and mean something else (with a different,
but nonetheless literal, meaning)".
The term connotation is crucially important to delimit the approach to
metaphor in semantics. Connotative
content is distinguished from denotative
content (also labelled, dictionary
or central meaning by different
authors), which overlaps with the notion of reference,
a criterion for the correct use of a word provided the properties (semantic
features) which define that word. Connotative meaning is the communicative
value an expression has by virtue of what it refers to, over and above its
purely conceptual content. This is why some authors considers connotation as a
part of pragmatics (Baldinger). There is a multitude of additional
non-criterial properties that we have learned to expect a referent of a word to
possess, beside its 'neutral' denotation. Connotative meaning has been viewed
as more attached to reality itself than to language proper, a peripheral
phenomenon depending on the context of expression and, for that reason, unstable,
depending on the particular cultural and historical period, and on the
experience of an individual speaker. While the denotative, central meaning of
an expression has the form of a finite set of discrete features of meaning,
connotation is open ended, infinite as our knowledge and beliefs about the
universe. An interesting example of this distinction is the one given by Leech when he lists the denotative features related to the word woman:
[+ human]
[- male]
[+
adult]
Leech includes next physical, psychological, social characteristics, "typical
concomitants of womanhood", and putative features:
[+
biped]
[+
having a womb]
[+
gregarious]
[+
subject to maternal instinct]
[+
capable of speech]
[+
experienced in cooking]
[+
skirt or dress-wearing]
[+
prone to tears]
[+
frail]
[+
cowardly]
[+
emotional]
[+
irrational]
[+
inconstant]
[+
gentle]
[+
compassionate]
[+
sensitive]
[+
hard-working]
[-
trouser-wearing]
It is evident that such a list of
constituents may be infinite and that they are highly dependant on cultural
biases, as well as on sex, age, personal opinions, preferences, and so on.
Whenever a sentence or a word is uttered, it maps both a connotative and a
denotative meaning, since every expression of language is uttered by a given
person in a given context. metaphors
are forms of expressing this connotative meaning. The connection between the
terms in a metaphorical relation lies in connotation. The denotative meaning is
left aside while some of the numerous connotative meanings are selected as
underlying semantic features of a
word, e.g., Lucy is an angel. The
denotations already stated for woman
do not fit the ones we can attribute to the notion of angels (this is why
linguists in general treat metaphors as semantic violations). But from all the
connotations of woman only a few are
mapped onto angel, which in turn has
equally numerous connotations of its own. We reckon that woman's selected connotative features such as gentle, compassionate, sensitive, are mapped onto a group of some
connotative features of angel, such as generous,
incapable of evil, suffering, and so on. The use of a metaphorical
expression triggers an automatic, arbitrary, and totally new selection of
underlying connotative meanings, which remain implicit in what we may call the
underlying structure of denotative
meanings, until they are mapped to the surface by a metaphor. Needless to say,
when we utter Lucy is an angel we are
by no means saying that she is not a human being, or that she is a religious
entity, or 'non- specified' in terms of sex and age; what we are in fact
expressing is a kind of 'non-neutral' definition of Lucy. This metaphor is, in fact, part of everyday language (a dead metaphor); it functions as an
'economical' device, one through which we can mean a great deal of information by using only one word. The
indeterminancy of the semantic features the metaphor conflates (Lucy is a very good, generous,
compassionate, and suffering woman, incapable of any evil act) can be
viewed as a sort of implicit contract of meanings between the speaker and
his/her interlocutor(s). The specification of such features is always limited;
the metaphorical expression could be telling us more, or perhaps less, about Lucy than a 'literal' one. This issue
will be dealt with in the next chapter. The amount of information to be
included in a metaphorical expression can only be solved by the speakers of the
language according to the conceptual world they share and the concrete
situation they are in. Furthermore, in many cases the hearer has to decode from
a complex of clues that which corresponds to a specific connotation selected by
the speaker according to what he/she intends to express through a metaphor.
When someone chooses the word angel instead
of saint, he/she has searched for the
most suitable word, in a particular situation, occasion, and time, and has
undertaken this complex task automatically, almost as if he/she were using this
word in its "neutral" meaning. As Widdowson puts it, "the
effect of metaphor depends on avoiding the resolution of ambiguity: the user
keeps two meanings in his mind at the same time." We can argue
that an expression such as Angel is
an available container of three levels of meaning that a speaker can make use
of; according to Harman these levels are: thoughts (denotation/
connotation), communication of thoughts, and speech acts. We consider speech
acts as constituents of the second level since they depend on a speaker's
particular choice or intention, and the third level corresponds to the context
of culture and situation, in
Malinowsky's terms. Suppose speaker A and speaker
B and Lucy are all people living in the United States in 1993 and that they are
acquaintances. Speaker A has a low opinion of Lucy and he says "Lucy is an
angel". The actual meaning of Angel
must be decoded along the following clues:
Obviously, the picture here proposed can be
much further extended, including, at the first level, all the types of
connotative meaning; at the second level, the diversity of speech acts that can
be performed; at third level, nationality, social class, age, etc.
At this point, explicit metaphor comes into
view as not being at all a peripheral phenomenon in language, but instead a
very extended one in terms of use within the linguistic universe. The issue of
conceptual (that is, implicit, not linguistic) metaphorical meaning in everyday
language will be analysed in the next chapter.
Cognitive semantics, as a theoretical paradigm, claims
that lexical concepts must be studied against the background of the human
cognitive capacities at large. In other words, it holds that if language is one
of the fundamental cognitive tools of man, it should not be studied
autonomously, as if it contained a semantic structure that is independent of
the broader cognitive organization of the human mind (which is the basic
structuralist tenet). By contrast, cognitive semantics holds that there is no
specifically linguistic-semantic organization of knowledge, separate from
conceptual memory. Consequently, lexical semantic research should be conducted
in close collaboration with other sciences that study the human mind and its
working principles in order to find out how man comprehends, stores and retains
information, and expresses human experience, be this specific to the individual
or to his culture. This implies, for example, that attention should be paid to
cultural differences in the metaphorical patterning of experience, as do a
number of authors, in an effort to individualize semantic universals operating
as general strategies for coping with part of human experience.
Gallagher, in the context of formal thought
research, emphasizes the importance of the system of correspondences in
Piaget's theory:
"Simple examples of correspondences (or
morphisms in mathematics) are the places set at table for each invited guest or
a test mark for each student. The relationship formed is called a mapping. In the familiar one-to-one
correspondence -that is, isomorphism- each element of the first or original set
has one, and only one, corresponding element from the second or image set".
Analogy and metaphor are, therefore, very important
devices for structuring knowledge; they are also crucial in scientific
reasoning because they provide richness and wider scope to arguments and
descriptions, and supply a powerful and creative framework for scientific
exploration, one that is "not possible with ordinary discourse or with
propositional reasoning." According to Ortony,
"Metaphors are necessary as a communicative
device because they allow the transfer of coherent chunks of characteristics
-perceptual, cognitive, emotional and experiential- from a vehicle which is
known to a topic which is less so. In so doing they circumvent the problem of
specifying one by one each of the often unnameable and innumerable
characteristics; they avoid discretizing the perceived continuity of experience
and are thus closer to experience and consequently more vivid and memorable".
Cohen considers a metaphor as a mapping of the
elements of one set on those of another.
A map is a system, and their elements are in
correspondence with the mapped system;
this correspondence may take a large number of forms: "a map must
be isomorphic with the mapped system with respect to some of its features." Gallagher concludes that metaphors are much more than the
simplistic form A is B, and that they
are complex comparisons, involving tension elimination: a shift from central
meaning to marginal meaning.
THE THEORY OF
CONCEPTUAL METAPHOR
The theory of Conceptual Metaphor, as a cognitive
approach, is basically concerned with understanding. According to Lakoff and
Johnson, the traditional scientific views cannot cope with human
understanding in the long run: it emphasizes the fact that there are real
things, existing independently of us, which constrain both how we interact with
them and how we comprehend them. It focuses on truth and factual knowledge due
to the importance they have for our successful functioning in our physical and
cultural environments. It is well known that the eighteenth-century scientific
world conception is an extension of common sense: reliance on the senses and
empirical proof through technological advances.
According to Lakoff and Johnson, we all think and act
according to what we assume to be true. “Absolute truth" cannot be
achieved. This claim is based on the principle that the acquisition and use of
truth depends on our understanding of the world we live in. Human understanding
can be characterized in terms of categories emerging directly from our
experiences as human beings. This categorization of the world is defined as
follows:
... a natural way of
identifying a "kind" of object or experience by highlighting certain
properties, downplaying others, and hiding still others.
This is the origin of categories such as OBJECT,
SUBSTANCE, orientational categories (IN-OUT, UP-DOWN, etc.) and many others
according to which we define objects and situations. The properties
highlighted, downplayed or hidden in the process of categorization are to be
found within natural dimensions which make up gestalts in terms of which
objects and situations are categorized. These natural dimensions range from
perceptual and functional to purposive and causative ones. Early approaches to
these notions were proposed by Lennenberg and Lorenz when trying
to give an account of the natural and bodily dependence of human behaviour and
understanding.
Categories are built according to a sequence that goes
from CONCRETE to ABSTRACT (NON-CONCRETE), CLOSE to APART, PHYSICAL to
NON-PHYSICAL, DEFINED to NON-DEFINED, etc. In other words, we primarily
comprehend and know the world through
this process, and thus we play "tricks" in conceptualizing whenever a
matter of knowledge is abstract or undefined; we take another concept or object
to concretize, come close, or define the former. Lakoff and Johnson examine the
basic concept of Causation, taking into account the building-block theory, the
Piagetian theory of manipulation, and the theory of prototypes. The concept of
causation is based on the prototype of DIRECT MANIPULATION, which develops
since we are children. The prototypical core of a concept is not
"primitive", i.e., it is not an unanalizable semantic schema, but
rather a group of elements perceived as a unity prior to its components,
namely, a gestalt which consists of properties that naturally occur together in
our daily experience, when we perform direct manipulations.
A good example of the way we categorize is that shown
by a statement like I've invited a sexy
blonde to our party. In this description, attention is focused on
only a few dimensions and properties of the person being referred to, due to
the fact that the purposes for which the expression is required have determined
this focus of attention; had these purposes been different, the properties
highlighted would certainly have been others (for instance,
the colour of her eyes).
Properties are not inherent to objects or situations
but are rather the product of human interaction with the world around, and it
is this interactional nature of properties which constitutes the basis for our
notion of what is true and what is not: something will be true for us if it
"makes sense only relative to human functioning." Thus, a
true statement will involve the choice of categories of description, which in
turn involves both our perceptions and purposes in a given situation; besides,
it will leave out what has been downplayed by the categories used. That is why
statements like I've invited a sexy
blonde to our party and, let us say, I've
invited a Marxist to our party can both be true about the same person
referred to.
All this accounts pretty well for statements easily
correlated with our daily experience, like I
live in Chile, but what about statements which do not so clearly fit our
knowledge of the world, for instance, the
fog is in front of the mountain? The answer involves the concept of
"projection": when our basic categories do not fit our reality, we
project them onto objects and situations, and thus assign orientation to what
does not have it inherently (a mountain) or entity structure to what is not
clearly delineated as an entity (a mountain, the fog), etc. This is how we
manage to understand everything in terms of a number of basic categories of
understanding. This concept of projection is essential to see how we can
understand some things in terms of others, that is, how we conceptualize
metaphorically.
Although proposed by Lakoff and Johnson - respectively, a well known linguist (who has contributed to cognitive
semantics since its earlier developments), and a philosopher of science- the
theory of Conceptual Metaphor can be traced to Michael Reddy's paper
"The Conduit Metaphor", where he analyses the way everyday English
person conceptualizes the concept of communication: his contention is that we
do not literally "get thoughts across" when we talk; rather, this suggests
that communication transfers thought processes somehow bodily. Actually, no one
receives anyone else's thoughts
directly in their minds when they are using language. A speaker's feelings can
be perceived directly only by him/ her; they do not really "come through
to us" when he/she talks. Nor can anyone literally "give you an
idea" -since these are inherently internal processes.
...[some examples] seem to involve the
figurative assertion that language transfers
human thoughts and feelings. ...if language transfers thoughts to others, then
the logical container, or conveyer, for this thought is words, or
word-groupings like phrases, sentences, paragraphs, and so on.
The logic... we are considering... called the conduit metaphor... would now lead us to the bizarre assertion that words have "insides" and "outsides." After all, if thoughts can be inserted, there must be a space "inside" wherein the meaning can reside. ..."content" is a term used almost synonymously with "ideas" and "meaning". ...recollection is quite meaning-full (sic). ...Numerous expressions make it clear that English does view words as containing or failing to contain thoughts...
...of the entire metalingual apparatus of the English language, at least seventy percent is directly, visibly, and graphically based on the conduit metaphor.
Reddy uses this theory and a considerable amount of
data to demonstrate that everyday language is largely metaphorical; that the
locus of metaphor is thought, not language; that metaphor is a major and
indispensable part of our ordinary, conventional way of conceptualizing the
world; and that our everyday behaviour reflects our metaphorical understanding
of experience. In Lakoff's words, Reddy "gave us a tiny glimpse of an
enormous system of conceptual metaphor. Since its appearance, an entire branch
of linguistics and cognitive science has developed to study systems of
metaphorical thought that we use to reason, that we base our actions on, and
that underlie a great deal of the structure of language."
The theory of conceptual metaphor used as theoretical
framework for this study is the one proposed by Lakoff and Johnson in Metaphors
We Live By. In essence, this theory holds that our conceptual
system, and therefore our language, is largely metaphorical in nature. A large
section of their book is devoted to demonstrate what it means for a concept to
be metaphorical and the pervasiness this phenomenon has in language as a whole.
The most important claim we
have made so far is that metaphor is not just a matter of language, that is, of
mere words. We shall argue that, on the contrary, human thought processes are largely metaphorical. This is what we mean
when we say that the human conceptual system is metaphorically structured and
defined. Metaphors as linguistic expressions are possible precisely
because there are metaphors in a
person's conceptual system. Therefore, whenever... we speak of metaphors... it should
be understood that metaphor means metaphorical concept.
A Conceptual Metaphor (CM) is a mental phenomenon, the
inner, unconscious, cognitive conceptualization of a domain of experience: entities in the world, actions, states,
people, living beings, etc., perceived in terms of another domain of experience
of an entirely different type. This conceptualization, applied to almost every domain, takes the form of an
identification of the type X is Y, similar to the conventional metaphor in
poetry, but it has no direct expression in the language; it is realized through
instantiations, utterances which are
often taken to be non-metaphorical, since they do not take the X is Y form, but
are produced by concepts which are metaphorically built.
The concepts and thoughts -our conceptual system-
according to which we function in our lives (of which we are, needless to say,
unaware of), must be viewed in their relation to our actions and attitudes, as
reflected in our daily activities.
We have found... that
metaphor is pervasive in everyday life, not just in language but in thought and
action. Our ordinary conceptual system, in terms of which we both think and
act, is fundamentally metaphorical in nature. ... Our conceptual system thus
plays a central role in defining our everyday realities. If we are right in
suggesting that our conceptual system is largely metaphorical, then the way we
think, what we experience, and what we do every day is very much a matter of
metaphor.
This unified way of conceptualizing a domain of experience metaphorically is realized
in many linguistic expressions. For
example, the way we conceptualize an argument is almost completely structured
by the CM ARGUMENT IS WAR; in other words, our experiences of arguments depend
basically (and perhaps exclusively) on the CM just mentioned. Briefly, this
means that the way in which we conceive an act of war is partially used to
understand (and therefore to act towards) arguments; we think of and experience
arguments as if they were, in most aspects, armed conflicts. Language is a
reflection of how our minds work in understanding things, and therefore it is
not surprising that the evidence validating this proposal consists of hundreds
of linguistic expressions which demonstrate the way we conceptualize
metaphorically pieces of language that we try to understand or assume to be
literal (or, in ontological terms, true), though no speaker of English may say
that an argument is a war is a common
saying, because this CM is not actually part of the language. There is plenty
of examples of colloquial, everyday
linguistic expressions, used commonly throughout the world, which show a
systematic way of talking about an argument as if it were a war situation:
Your claims are indefensible.
He attacked every weak point in my argument.
His criticisms were right on target.
I demolished his argument.
I've never won an argument with him.
You disagree? Okay, shoot!
If you use that strategy,
he'll wipe you out.
He shot down all of my arguments.
The authors describe the metaphorical process as a mapping (in the mathematical sense) from
a source domain (in this case, war)
to a target domain (in this case,
argument). This mapping is tightly structured, that is, there is a systematical
ontological correspondence between the entities in the domain of argument (the
participants, their claims, their ways of discussing) and the domain of war
(the parties, their weapons, their strategies).
The generalizations
governing... metaphorical expressions are not in language, but in thought: they
are general mappings across conceptual domains. ...the locus of metaphor is not in language at all, but in
the way we conceptualize one mental domain in terms of another. The general
theory of metaphor is given by characterizing such cross-domain mappings. And
in the process, everyday abstract concepts like time, states, change,
causation, and purpose also turn to be metaphorical. ...metaphor (that is,
cross-domain mapping) is absolutely central to ordinary natural language
semantics, and... the study of literary metaphor is an extension of the study
of everyday metaphor... characterized by a huge system of thousands of
cross-domains mappings.
Lakoff and Johnson adopted a mnemonic strategy for
naming these mappings, e.g., TARGET-DOMAIN IS SOURCE DOMAIN. In this case, the
name of the mapping is ARGUMENT IS WAR. When we speak of the ARGUMENT IS WAR
metaphor, we are using a mnemonics for the set of ontological correspondences
that characterize a mapping as THE ARGUMENT-IS-WAR mapping.
TARGET-DOMAIN SOURCE-DOMAIN
ARGUMENT IS WAR
Two aspects must be borne in mind concerning
metaphorical conceptualizations: they are partial and they are systematic. We
have said that metaphorical concepts are characterized by the structuring of
one concept in terms of another. This does not mean that we conceive of the
elements involved in a metaphorical relation as being the same, but rather as
being characterized by the same categories. What is essential is that only some of the aspects structuring
a concept are used to structure another. In the CM TIME IS MONEY, only the
aspects of the concept of MONEY which define it as a unit of measure and as a
quantifiable limited resource are taken into account (that is, highlighted);
its other characteristics, such as "used to buy things", are hidden
from the focus of our attention. Thus, metaphorical conceptual structuring is
necessarily partial.
Metaphorical concepts are systematic: they conform a
coherent system of metaphorical expressions, not random or isolated cases. We
can perceive a certain pattern in our way of talking about arguments, time, and
many other subject-matters; that is, we refer to them in some ways and not in
others. The interesting fact is that in the metaphorical relation we can always
distinguish between an element belonging to a well-defined domain of our
experience which is used to refer to another concept from a less clearly
defined conceptual domain. For instance, in the CM TIME IS MONEY, the
vocabulary taken from the conceptualizations we have of money reveals that it
is not clear to us the type of "thing" time is, and that in order to
think and talk about it, we need to borrow the concepts and the corresponding
vocabulary from another "thing", in this case, money. This process
does not occur in isolated or random instances, but rather in systematic and
coherent fashions of discourse.
So far we have been looking at CMs of a single kind,
namely, Structural Metaphors. There are at least two other types of
metaphorical conceptualizations, the ones called Orientational and Ontological
Metaphors. The Orientational Metaphor implies the global organization of a
conceptual system. Its name derives from the fact that most of them are related
to concepts defining spatial categories, such as HAPPY IS UP or MORE IS UP.
Ontological Metaphors are those whose bases are found in our experience with
physical objects (especially our own bodies) and with objects and substances
existing in our environments. Thus, in these cases, we will find projections of
entity structure to things and events, or the categorization of non-substance
elements as being substances. In effect, Lakoff and Johnson state that events
and actions are conceptualized as objects, activities as substances, and states
as containers. The most obvious case of Ontological Metaphor is that known as
Personification, in which the object defined is specified as if it were a human
entity. By viewing objects and experiences as human beings, we can give the
former the numerous characteristics attached to the latter. The function or
purpose we aim at when we use a concept is the relevant issue at this point: by
using such a conceptual and linguistic device we can express a greater deal of
information about the topic or about our inner experiences in relation to it.
The CM INFLATION IS AN ENEMY, for instance, allows us to say we must attack inflation, we are defending
ourselves from inflation, as if inflation were a human enemy involved in a
war situation, such as a battle. We must distinguish this case of
Personification from those of Metonymy (Met) or reference of one concept to
another related to it, as when we say, for example, Mrs. Grundy frowns on blue jeans, in which blue jeans stands for people
wearing blue jeans. We must, anyway, recognize that, the same as metaphors,
metonymies are used to have a better understanding of objects and experiences
that lack a clearly delimited or easily understandable conceptualization.
Metonymies are also partially structured and present systematicities in their
functioning as linguistic expressions, and they are very active in the cultural
sense.
The
Conceptual Metaphor approach also attempts to examine the nature of "folk
theories," models of some aspects of reality
that are most often taken as constituting "common sense". Folk
theories, according to these authors, involve conceptual metaphors from which a
chain of deduction emerges, e.g., from the CM SEXUALITY IS A PHYSICAL FORCE, a
speaker may assume, as these authors put it, that
physical appearance is a physical force> a woman is
responsible for her physical appearance...sexual emotions are part of human
nature...sexual emotions are a response to being acted upon by a sexual
force> a person who uses a force is responsible for the effect of that
force> a woman with a sexy appearance is responsible for arousing a man's
sexual emotions...sexual emotion naturally results in sexual actions> sexual
action against someone's will is unacceptable> to act morally, we must avoid
sexual action> avoiding sexual action requires inhibiting sexual
emotions> to act morally, one must inhibit sexual emotions...sexual emotions
are part of human nature> to inhibit sexual emotions is to be less than
human> a woman with a sexy appearance makes a man who is acting morally less
than human> to be less than human is to be injured (we have inserted the symbol
> to indicate the logical chain)
These deductions are not explicit. Speakers do not
follow a conscious chain of deduction since deductions have a logic and a
structure that remains unconscious behind the reality the speaker takes for
granted. According to Lakoff and Johnson, folk theories and CMs are easy to
understand "because they are deeply engrained in [American] culture...they
are largely held by people." They state that if metaphors and folk
theories are readily available to us for use in understanding, they are
"ours" in some sense, like the one in the example above, and that no
theory of communication or understanding can pretend to be adequate if it does
not account for the crucial role that CMs have on folk theories.
The theory of conceptual metaphor has given origin to a number of studies. A few of them are very briefly accounted for in what follows.
Kronfeld focuses his discussion about
metaphor on its very nature: are metaphors semantically special phenomena? Is
their meaning different from literal meaning? As she explains, most approaches
agree in that the meaning of a metaphor is not a function of the meaning of its
constituents, but instead it is a "new" and completely different
meaning; in order to discover this new meaning we need a "construal"
from the hearer/reader, i.e., a mechanism of some nature to actively construct
(produce) and deconstruct (understand) the meaning of a metaphor. Kronfeld
distinguishes two opposite approaches in relation to the idea of a construal.
The non-constructivist group claims that meaning is only literal meaning and
that metaphors have no meaning at all or are reducible to literal paraphrases,
rejecting the existence of construals. The constructivist approach postulates
the existence of a construal mechanism for understanding metaphors, but it extends
this mechanism to both figurative and literal language. Among supporters of the
last view we have several post-structuralist critics, such as Derrida, De Man,
and "experientialist" semanticists like Lakoff and Johnson, for whom
the puzzle of metaphor exists but it is not exclusive of metaphor.
Carbonell attempts to augment the power of a
semantic knowledge base used for language analysis by means of metaphorical
mappings. His central concern is the creation of a process model to encompass
metaphor comprehension.
Understanding the metaphors
used in language often proves to be a crucial process in establishing complete
and accurate interpretations of linguistic utterances.
Carbonell states that, although there is a set of general (conceptual) metaphors in
English, the majority of them are instantiated versions of a few general
metaphors, which he calls "common" metaphors, as opposed to those
which are "creative". According to this idea, the problem of
understanding a large class of metaphors may be reduced from a reconstruction
to a recognition task. The identification of an instance of one of the general metaphorical mappings is a much more
tractable process than reconstructing the conceptual framework from the bottom
up each time a new metaphor instance is encountered.
Each of the general
metaphors contains not only mappings of the form "X is used to mean Y in
context Z," but inference rules
to enrich the understanding process by taking advantage of the reasons why the
writer [or speaker] may have chosen the particular metaphor (rather than a
different metaphor or a literal rendition).
Carbonell's most important contribution is the Implicit-Intention Component: what the
speaker is contending when he/ she chooses to use a metaphorical expression
instead of a literal one. The hypothesis holds that this component is the
information about what the metaphor conveys that is absent from a literal
expression of the same concept; in other words, there is much more information
and expression intended in a CM than in a literal expression.
The issue of determining the Implicit-Intention Component is what Gibbs, in his own
terms, tries to arrive at through a series of experiments concerning the
semantic content and the presence of conceptual metaphors in idioms. He
postulates that idioms have complex figurative interpretations that are not
arbitrarily determined but are motivated by independently existing CMs that
provide the basis for a great part of everyday thought and, therefore,
language; idioms cannot be simply defined, as do dictionaries, as equivalent in
meaning to simple literal phrases.
...literal paraphrases of
these idioms [blow your stack, flip your
lid, hit the ceiling] such as "to get very angry" do not convey
the same inferences about the causes, intentionality, and manner in which
someone experiences and expresses his or her anger. ...[literal paraphrases]
are not by themselves motivated by single conceptual metaphors and therefore do
not possess the kind of complex interpretations as do idiomatic phrases.
Gibbs' inquiries show that idiom use and comprehension
vary depending on how discourse encodes information. This process is partially
motivated by entailments of CMs. This also holds for Carbonell's instantiations of a CM, even though he
only analyses them in single sentences. Both positions can be bridged at this
point.
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